A little publicised programme between Syracuse University's Maxwell School and the DPRK's Kim Chaek University of Technology has been ongoing since 2001. Donald Gregg, former US ambassador to Seoul and president of the New York based Korea Society, has long championed this initiative.
Stuart Thorsen, the project's director and a professor of international relations and political science, is, since 2009 is Maxwell's first Donald P. and Margaret Curry Gregg professor specifically focussing on Korean affairs. The chair is funded, it is said, by a private Korean businessman, impressed by the 10 year track record of the technology project.
The programme has brought North Korean computer scientists for a six week exchange; its goal is to sweep aside 'non trivial political differences' separating the US and North Korea, through a frank discussion of a technological nature in the field of information technology. In the course of a decade, the project has forged a degree of trust and funding, which has allowed its continuance and expansion, resulting in a chair of Korean studies at Maxwell.
Everything is done to create an easy going atmosphere to build friendship among the North Korean and Maxwell students. A certain feeling of friendship is created through dinners and excursions and everyday encounters.
On one hand, the underriding conceit of the programme that technology can in some way erode ideological differences has a romantic ring to it. Certainly, the North Koreans do appreciate the contact and the courses, especially from a country, it is technically at war with, and which, even today, has pursued an aggressive policy against its leadership.
Were it not for Gregg, with the green light from the US government, the project would never have gotten off the ground. The former ambassador, once a senior officer in the CIA and former national security advisor to Bush pere, is more or less well regarded in and out of government, and has actively pursued, within the 'realpolitik' of US policy towards North Korea, widening any opening towards Pyongyang. It would not be an exaggeration to say, he has achieved some success, even in the more tense moments during the Bush junior and Obama administration.
It is to his credit that he can gather in symposia the pride of the US North Korea clerisy who remain fundamentally hostile to North Korea, and quiet their zealous exuberence.
Of late, Gregg has gone against the grain of political correctness: consider two examples: one, he departed widely from the held view that a North Korean submarine sunk the South Korean corvette 'Chenon' in March 2010. He has publicly pronounced his support of the conclusions of a report Russia prepared that the 'Chenon' churned up a dormant torpedo, lying at the sea's bottom either from world war two or the Korean war, and that the turbulence of the ship's movement exploded the projectile. [China, sources say, found the Russian report convincing, thereby checking Lee's and Obama's elan at the UN Security to condemn North Korea for the sunken 'Chenon'. It is equally telling that the US media hardly mentioned Russia's investigation of the incident, nor its conclusions, but went by the numbers in backing the US and ROK claims in spite of the glaring sins of omissions and commissions of a much delayed joint study on Seoul's and Washington's part. See 'GaumDairy's blogs on the sinking of the 'Chenon' and its aftermath'.]
Two, he has called on South Korea's president Lee Myung bak to begin again delivery of food aid to the North suffering from the effects of bad whether that killed its crops; Lee and two US administrations have stopped food to the North completely since 2008.
Gregg's patronage of building trust with the DPRK through technology continues and is a testament to his strong belief that through discussions and exchanges a breakthrough between enemies is possible. We've seen it with China, then why not with North Korea?
Tuesday, May 31, 2011
Sunday, May 29, 2011
The Red Chapel: Mads Brugger's bad bet
Mark Olsen of the 'Los Angeles Times' got it right when he reviewed the Danish Mads Brugger's award winning 'Det Rode Kapel' at the 2010 Sundance Film Festival: he called it 'a prankish charade gone very wrong'.
Olsen was being too kind. Brugger's film is hardly a harmless practical joke. It is a cynical, calculating film to trash North Korea.
Brugger chose the title: 'Red Chapel' which all for the initiatied remains puzzling.'Die Rote Kappelle' [Red Orchestra] was a name the Gestapo gave to anti Nazi spy rings made up of Communists. So the choice of title, Brugger grandly confers the title of his 'plot' to subvert in the post modern sense North Korea.
Although Kim Jong il's DPRK is a harsh dictatorship, it is not a replica of Nazi Germany. It is open to criticism for sure and the world's rod has not been spared, it goes without saying.
Let's look at Brugger's bad bet to make North Korea 'laugh', through his stealth campaign of falsehood, outright lying, and using his two main actors as his pawns.
The documentary's plot is simple enough: Brugger wiggled an invitation for a cultural exchange of a two young man troupe from Denmark, to perform in North Korea.
The two are Korean born Danes who, born in South Korea, went to adoptive Danish families when they were less than a year old. Neither spoke Korean, and thought of themselves as Danes. One, Jakob Nossell,a spastic who has embraced his infirmity as a strength, is fluent in Danish and English, slurred speech notwithstanding, and exhibited a good intelligence; the other, Simon Jul, a much tattoo bilingual singer and comedian.
Clearly from the opening scenes, whatever Jakob's and Simon's comedic strengths, Brugger had combled together a third rate act, to carry out his ideological objectives. And the dialogue lead by him is betrayed by his two 'stooges' and by the North Koreans themselves.
Had Brugger come with two blond, blue eyed Danes, he might have pulled off his 'prank'.
Two Koreans who never know life other than in Denmark, is thrust on a North Korean reality. And both in their own way suffers 'culture shock' and relate to his 'Koreanness', and for the North Koreans, they, too, tried to claim them as their own.
Brugger, Jakob and Simon got the DPRK treatment for visitors, but Jakob and Simon got much more attention because they were of Korean birth. Brugger encourages to play along, keep a diary, lie if must needs be. Which the two do but Korea, however, speaks to a condition they never know they felt or had.
At the DMZ at Panmunjom, shown the room where North and South meet, Simon asks if he can walk over to the South's side, a Korea he never saw but where he was born, Jakob follows suit. And in that one scene, Brugger's whole design is torpedoed. It is scene charged with significance and emotion.
The duo's performance is recast to please North Koreans: it is obvious their act is hopeless and the director wants, among other reasons, to put a bright face on the Simon's and Jakob's talents. Not only that, Simon delivers with sincerity the wish of all Koreans: a reunified Korea. Jakob challenges Brugger: not hoodwinked by the North's wiles to win them over, he suddenly reminds him that everything is not all black nor all white as Brugger seems to believe.
Even though Brugger had to turn over his daily takes to his North Korean handlers, it is surprising that hardly anything seems excised, including Jakob's complaints of being stiffled and babied. Brugger operates on the theory that no one in North Korea understood Danish. Is he wrong?
Equally obvious is the North's willingness to show its beautiful face, but no warts. Brugger does remind Jakob that disabled people like him are 'killed'. And in a move to embarass his Korean handler, Jakob hopes he could see someone like himself. Her face betrays embarrassment, but good hearted Jakob says that maybe he can when he visits the North again. The disappointment on Brugger's face tells it all. Foiled again!, it seems to say. [In societies like Korea--North or South--the disabled are hidden from public view or abandoned and more likely neglected. The burden traditionally is on the family, not as in Denmark where the state or private agencies come to the rescue.]
The narrative is pure Brugger. It's full of falsity and occassinal truths. But more than that, it is so ocnfected to meet his no shadows script: North Korea bad, bad, bad. Jakob and Simon saves him and his film from himself and his ideologically driven script. And strangely enough, the North Koreans we see have a human face, something Brugger has no purchase.
Brugger is as rigid as a good Stalinist. And his whimsicality nothwithstanding, does not detract from our judgment.
Olsen was being too kind. Brugger's film is hardly a harmless practical joke. It is a cynical, calculating film to trash North Korea.
Brugger chose the title: 'Red Chapel' which all for the initiatied remains puzzling.'Die Rote Kappelle' [Red Orchestra] was a name the Gestapo gave to anti Nazi spy rings made up of Communists. So the choice of title, Brugger grandly confers the title of his 'plot' to subvert in the post modern sense North Korea.
Although Kim Jong il's DPRK is a harsh dictatorship, it is not a replica of Nazi Germany. It is open to criticism for sure and the world's rod has not been spared, it goes without saying.
Let's look at Brugger's bad bet to make North Korea 'laugh', through his stealth campaign of falsehood, outright lying, and using his two main actors as his pawns.
The documentary's plot is simple enough: Brugger wiggled an invitation for a cultural exchange of a two young man troupe from Denmark, to perform in North Korea.
The two are Korean born Danes who, born in South Korea, went to adoptive Danish families when they were less than a year old. Neither spoke Korean, and thought of themselves as Danes. One, Jakob Nossell,a spastic who has embraced his infirmity as a strength, is fluent in Danish and English, slurred speech notwithstanding, and exhibited a good intelligence; the other, Simon Jul, a much tattoo bilingual singer and comedian.
Clearly from the opening scenes, whatever Jakob's and Simon's comedic strengths, Brugger had combled together a third rate act, to carry out his ideological objectives. And the dialogue lead by him is betrayed by his two 'stooges' and by the North Koreans themselves.
Had Brugger come with two blond, blue eyed Danes, he might have pulled off his 'prank'.
Two Koreans who never know life other than in Denmark, is thrust on a North Korean reality. And both in their own way suffers 'culture shock' and relate to his 'Koreanness', and for the North Koreans, they, too, tried to claim them as their own.
Brugger, Jakob and Simon got the DPRK treatment for visitors, but Jakob and Simon got much more attention because they were of Korean birth. Brugger encourages to play along, keep a diary, lie if must needs be. Which the two do but Korea, however, speaks to a condition they never know they felt or had.
At the DMZ at Panmunjom, shown the room where North and South meet, Simon asks if he can walk over to the South's side, a Korea he never saw but where he was born, Jakob follows suit. And in that one scene, Brugger's whole design is torpedoed. It is scene charged with significance and emotion.
The duo's performance is recast to please North Koreans: it is obvious their act is hopeless and the director wants, among other reasons, to put a bright face on the Simon's and Jakob's talents. Not only that, Simon delivers with sincerity the wish of all Koreans: a reunified Korea. Jakob challenges Brugger: not hoodwinked by the North's wiles to win them over, he suddenly reminds him that everything is not all black nor all white as Brugger seems to believe.
Even though Brugger had to turn over his daily takes to his North Korean handlers, it is surprising that hardly anything seems excised, including Jakob's complaints of being stiffled and babied. Brugger operates on the theory that no one in North Korea understood Danish. Is he wrong?
Equally obvious is the North's willingness to show its beautiful face, but no warts. Brugger does remind Jakob that disabled people like him are 'killed'. And in a move to embarass his Korean handler, Jakob hopes he could see someone like himself. Her face betrays embarrassment, but good hearted Jakob says that maybe he can when he visits the North again. The disappointment on Brugger's face tells it all. Foiled again!, it seems to say. [In societies like Korea--North or South--the disabled are hidden from public view or abandoned and more likely neglected. The burden traditionally is on the family, not as in Denmark where the state or private agencies come to the rescue.]
The narrative is pure Brugger. It's full of falsity and occassinal truths. But more than that, it is so ocnfected to meet his no shadows script: North Korea bad, bad, bad. Jakob and Simon saves him and his film from himself and his ideologically driven script. And strangely enough, the North Koreans we see have a human face, something Brugger has no purchase.
Brugger is as rigid as a good Stalinist. And his whimsicality nothwithstanding, does not detract from our judgment.
The border opens at Raffah
As the gates swung open on 28 May 2011 Egypt opened the Raffeh crossing with Gaza. For moment no commerical trade is allowed and the very young and the old can cross without restriction. Egypt, under the pressure of a political tsunami at home, has begun dismantling its coordinated policy with Israel against Hamas.
For the first time in years, freedom of travel, albeit not complete, is open to Palestinians living in Gaza.
On the other hand, GuamDiary wonders why the western, and particularly US, media cringe hands in despair fearing the worst for Zionist Israel.
Israel is the 800 pound guerrilla that dominates the region militarily and has a bunker full of at least 200 atomic weapons. It is not a pushover although recent military ventures have wounded it badly on the world stage.
Of course, the usual refrain is why Hamas refuses to recognise Israel. Why should it? Israel's blitzkrieg war against Hamas in the last days of 2008--Cast Lead--was launched as a war of collective punishment against Gazans so that the pain and deaht visited on them by Israel would make them rise up and overthrow Hamas, a democratically elected party as governing the Strip. It failed but not without killing 1400 civilians --men, women and children--and destroying industry, agriculture, and Gaza's infrastructure.
Whatever is Israel's case, its propaganda machinery has long convinced the west it is a democracy in a sea of Arab reaction. Well today that argument wears thin, and Israel, especially for the US, has become an albatross, and like a wounded bull elephant dangerously and easily willing to go on the warpath.
The opening of the border at Raffeh spells the beginning of the end of the special relations of Egypt with Israel, even though Cairo says it will respect treaties with Zionist Israel. But a crack in the structure that Sadat created by getting back the Sinai peninsula and recognising Israel, shall widen and drive further Israel into the isolation it has constructed for itself.
For the first time in years, freedom of travel, albeit not complete, is open to Palestinians living in Gaza.
On the other hand, GuamDiary wonders why the western, and particularly US, media cringe hands in despair fearing the worst for Zionist Israel.
Israel is the 800 pound guerrilla that dominates the region militarily and has a bunker full of at least 200 atomic weapons. It is not a pushover although recent military ventures have wounded it badly on the world stage.
Of course, the usual refrain is why Hamas refuses to recognise Israel. Why should it? Israel's blitzkrieg war against Hamas in the last days of 2008--Cast Lead--was launched as a war of collective punishment against Gazans so that the pain and deaht visited on them by Israel would make them rise up and overthrow Hamas, a democratically elected party as governing the Strip. It failed but not without killing 1400 civilians --men, women and children--and destroying industry, agriculture, and Gaza's infrastructure.
Whatever is Israel's case, its propaganda machinery has long convinced the west it is a democracy in a sea of Arab reaction. Well today that argument wears thin, and Israel, especially for the US, has become an albatross, and like a wounded bull elephant dangerously and easily willing to go on the warpath.
The opening of the border at Raffeh spells the beginning of the end of the special relations of Egypt with Israel, even though Cairo says it will respect treaties with Zionist Israel. But a crack in the structure that Sadat created by getting back the Sinai peninsula and recognising Israel, shall widen and drive further Israel into the isolation it has constructed for itself.
US sends human rights envoy to take imprisoned American Korean home
Are the days of sending a former US president to Pyongyang to bring back imprisoned US citizens in North Korea? Let's consider: Bill Clinton's private mission of mercy in 2009, and Jimmy Carter's in 2010. Each mission of mercy, orchestrated by the White House, had the private stamp of approval of it: no need to leave official finger prints, thank you very much. And each president hand or orally delievered a message from Kim Jong il about the North's willingness to improve relations with the US. And as far as we know, he got no answer, safe Obama's firming up US support for South Korea's president Lee Myung bak's vindictive campaign against the DPRK that almost set off a shooting war in November 2010.
At that time the American Korean business Jun Yong su was arrested in Pyongyang on charges of funny commerical dealings. A wag might put Jun's arrest in another light: he was 'hostage' so that the US wouldn't encourage Lee's warlike manoeuvres with the US along the NLL [Northern Limit Line].
The locking up of Jun was firmly kept under wraps and the US managed to bring, more or less, Lee to heel like a good attack dog. Jimmy Carter came to North Korea as part of a peace mission of Elders had hoped he could win the release of the imprisoned American Korean. He left emptied handed to the good delight of those in the South and the US who consider him a menace, because of his attempts to open the door to dialogue with Kim Jong il & co.
This time, North Korea wanted an official. It got him in the person of Robert King,a career diplomat and a Morman, with the duties of human rights envoy. Ostensibly, he had to 'talk' about possible food aid that the US cut off in 2008, in order to align US policy with South Korea's when Lee took over the Blue House. Of late, the US has come under growing pressure to resume food aid to the North suffering from the effects of a triple natural disaster whammy in years, thereby nuturing grown famine and starvation. Obama has strongly resisted this appeal, but can he continue to do so?
In any case, Kim Jong il released Jun, in the hope that the US would soften somewhat its intransigence towards the North. One thing, however, is clear, North Korea no longer is willing to rely on high powered figures who act in a private capacity to talk to the US.
At that time the American Korean business Jun Yong su was arrested in Pyongyang on charges of funny commerical dealings. A wag might put Jun's arrest in another light: he was 'hostage' so that the US wouldn't encourage Lee's warlike manoeuvres with the US along the NLL [Northern Limit Line].
The locking up of Jun was firmly kept under wraps and the US managed to bring, more or less, Lee to heel like a good attack dog. Jimmy Carter came to North Korea as part of a peace mission of Elders had hoped he could win the release of the imprisoned American Korean. He left emptied handed to the good delight of those in the South and the US who consider him a menace, because of his attempts to open the door to dialogue with Kim Jong il & co.
This time, North Korea wanted an official. It got him in the person of Robert King,a career diplomat and a Morman, with the duties of human rights envoy. Ostensibly, he had to 'talk' about possible food aid that the US cut off in 2008, in order to align US policy with South Korea's when Lee took over the Blue House. Of late, the US has come under growing pressure to resume food aid to the North suffering from the effects of a triple natural disaster whammy in years, thereby nuturing grown famine and starvation. Obama has strongly resisted this appeal, but can he continue to do so?
In any case, Kim Jong il released Jun, in the hope that the US would soften somewhat its intransigence towards the North. One thing, however, is clear, North Korea no longer is willing to rely on high powered figures who act in a private capacity to talk to the US.
Friday, May 27, 2011
The Park Chung Hee Era: The Transformation of South Korea
Yesterday [26 May 2011] at the New York Korea Society, Ezra Vogel, emeritus professor, Harvard, and Charles Armstrong, professor, Columbia had a conversation on 'The Park Chung Hee Era: The Transformation of South Korea' [Harvard University Press], which Vogel coedited with Kim Byung kook, appearing in the very month when Col. Park overthrew the government of Chang Myon 50 years ago. This hefty volume contains contributions from leading South Korean scholars who laboured long in bringing it to the public's attention.
The book shows, it is said, dictator Park Chung Hee's strengths and weaknesses; it does not shy away from a 'warts and all' approach.
Vogel spoke at great length on a comparison between Deng Xiao ping and Park. Interesting as the similarities and differences are, he would have done the packed room a service by limiting his remarks, which in themselves, shed much light on the 17 years of Park's rule until his generals assassinated him. Armstrong in very measured tones parsed the various essays in the book in an oral historical essay.
During the Q&A, it was very obvious that the Whig appreciation of the dictator's rule, which did make a determining mark on the history of South Korea, had won approval by the questioners and by the rapt attention of the audience. Recognising the repressive side of Park, it became clear that the 'strong man' won hands down in the light of what South Korea is today.
Saying this, time did not permit the questioning of Park's role to subvert the US constitution in what is now far from the American imagination: 'Koreagate', nor the payoff the US delivered when the dictator sent ROK troops to fight in Vietnam, nor, too, the attempt to kidnap and assassinate Kim Dae Jung, who later became president in the late 1990s, won a Nobel for peace and opened dialogue with North Korea in the now dead 'Sunshine Policy' which Lee Myung bak killed when he entered the Blue House in 2008.
Admittedly the Whig approach to history appeals to US and US trained South Korean scholars. The strong man embodies the nexus of economic and political and cultural trends which flow from a country's history, but it is his personality that here took centre stage. The role of Japan under whose colonial rule formed the soldier Park did not escape comment nor notice, but the role of the US did ironically.
For some time now, Park has been going through rehabilitation. Where he gets a hearty pat on the back, it is curious that a towering figure like Kim Il sung who played an equally important role in Korea's history gets a thumb's down. Obviously what is good for one Korean goose is illicit for another Korean gander!
'The Park Chung Hee Era: The Transformation of South Korea' sells in hardcopy at the retail price of us$55, a good sum in tight economic times. GuamDiary suggests looking for it in a university library.
The book shows, it is said, dictator Park Chung Hee's strengths and weaknesses; it does not shy away from a 'warts and all' approach.
Vogel spoke at great length on a comparison between Deng Xiao ping and Park. Interesting as the similarities and differences are, he would have done the packed room a service by limiting his remarks, which in themselves, shed much light on the 17 years of Park's rule until his generals assassinated him. Armstrong in very measured tones parsed the various essays in the book in an oral historical essay.
During the Q&A, it was very obvious that the Whig appreciation of the dictator's rule, which did make a determining mark on the history of South Korea, had won approval by the questioners and by the rapt attention of the audience. Recognising the repressive side of Park, it became clear that the 'strong man' won hands down in the light of what South Korea is today.
Saying this, time did not permit the questioning of Park's role to subvert the US constitution in what is now far from the American imagination: 'Koreagate', nor the payoff the US delivered when the dictator sent ROK troops to fight in Vietnam, nor, too, the attempt to kidnap and assassinate Kim Dae Jung, who later became president in the late 1990s, won a Nobel for peace and opened dialogue with North Korea in the now dead 'Sunshine Policy' which Lee Myung bak killed when he entered the Blue House in 2008.
Admittedly the Whig approach to history appeals to US and US trained South Korean scholars. The strong man embodies the nexus of economic and political and cultural trends which flow from a country's history, but it is his personality that here took centre stage. The role of Japan under whose colonial rule formed the soldier Park did not escape comment nor notice, but the role of the US did ironically.
For some time now, Park has been going through rehabilitation. Where he gets a hearty pat on the back, it is curious that a towering figure like Kim Il sung who played an equally important role in Korea's history gets a thumb's down. Obviously what is good for one Korean goose is illicit for another Korean gander!
'The Park Chung Hee Era: The Transformation of South Korea' sells in hardcopy at the retail price of us$55, a good sum in tight economic times. GuamDiary suggests looking for it in a university library.
Thursday, May 26, 2011
The opening of Gaza's border with Egypt
Hamas has paid a small prize by joining forces with the Palestinian Authority, in a deal brokered by Egypt's transitional military council, which until the fall of Hosni Mubarak. It would play down violence. As such, when the Rafeh border with Egypt opens on Saturday 28 May 2011, a mighty plank of Israel's structure to hem in Gaza on all sides - by sea as by land - will go the way of all flesh. Material and food long denied the people of Gaza by Israel will now flow freely, thereby allowing Palestinians in Gaza with the wherewithal to rebuild a strip of land almost bombed back to the Year Zero by Israel's blitzkrieg against Hamas and the entire population of Gaza during the 22 days of 'Cast Lead'.
Egypt's military council has done a turnaround for the very high ranking officers who a month or two ago pursued a policy which favoured Israeli designs, let them drown in the Red Sea. And what's more has delivered a stinging rebuke to its Zionist ally. The council's decision opens speculation as to the redrawing of agreement with Israel on matters of security and the economy. Already Egypt has reduced the flow of much need national gas to Israel by 40 percent.
Renewed unity and collaboration of Hamas and the Palestinian Authority puts Israel more and more on the defensive and drives it further into a self defined and self imposed isolation which not even the oratory of prime minister 'Bibi' Netenyahu nor the flowery speeches of president Obama can dislodge.
The opening of the Egyptian border with Hamas at Rafeh puts a shine on an Egypt eager to regain its central influence in the Arab world, and brings to the fore the plight and rights of the Palestinians who are pushing for a homeland recognised by the UN.
Egypt's military council has done a turnaround for the very high ranking officers who a month or two ago pursued a policy which favoured Israeli designs, let them drown in the Red Sea. And what's more has delivered a stinging rebuke to its Zionist ally. The council's decision opens speculation as to the redrawing of agreement with Israel on matters of security and the economy. Already Egypt has reduced the flow of much need national gas to Israel by 40 percent.
Renewed unity and collaboration of Hamas and the Palestinian Authority puts Israel more and more on the defensive and drives it further into a self defined and self imposed isolation which not even the oratory of prime minister 'Bibi' Netenyahu nor the flowery speeches of president Obama can dislodge.
The opening of the Egyptian border with Hamas at Rafeh puts a shine on an Egypt eager to regain its central influence in the Arab world, and brings to the fore the plight and rights of the Palestinians who are pushing for a homeland recognised by the UN.
Wednesday, May 25, 2011
Kim Jong il again in China
If the US bet on China's abandoning its neighour and ally North Korea, it reveals that Mr. Obama is a sorry gambler. In less than a year, Kim Jong il has visited China.
Pundits also have given odds that the 'Dear Leader' was on his last legs, and his visits to People's China were more than in part to pave the way for his heir and successor, his third son Kim Jong eun. Has anyone looked at the latest photos of Kim Jong il? Compare them to the photograph of him sitting next to Bill Clinton in July 2009? At the time of the former US president's visit, Kim was a shadow of his former self: thin and emaciated looking. Today, in China, he looks more and more like his old self: corpulent and fleshed out. Surely, it is a sign of health regained, and an indication that as ever he is in firm control of the North Korean ship of state. [In consequence, Kim Jong eun will have more time to hone his education and gain experience in the craft of statemanship.]
The the failed diplomacy of George W. Bush to use China as a foil to tame a maverick North Korea, China, though obliging, has backed away from doing America's will. And surely more so today when Obama has hitched America's policy towards the North firmly to South Korea's Lee Myung bak war train. The identity of view on North Korea by these two countries aim at 'rolling back' Kim Jong il. In plain English, in pushing North Korea to the edge of collapse on one hand, and using China to engage in regime change. China demurred.
With Kim again in China, it is clear, if it wasn't before to Washington and Seoul China has stayed true to a policy Mao initiated when he sent volunteers to fight with North Koreans against US led UN troops as they raced to the Chinese borders. GuamDiary has long suggested to its readers that it look for ALLEN Whiting's Rand study 'China crosses the Yalu', for a good understanding of why China intervened in the Korean War. Beijing wanted a buffer against an aggressive South Korea and its US protector. Bush junior and Obama have revived old fears of a hostile unified Korea under the South on its borders. A sad commentary of the US North Korea clerisy grasp of history since they too are looking to destroy the North by any means necessary. And if they didn't get the message, the South's shelling of North Korea's territorial waters revived fears of reopening the frozen Korean war.
China is sending a clear message: hands off North Korea in part. On the other hand, China is striking out on an independent Asian policy of its own in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran which can only anger Obama & co. If blame be apportioned, much of it falls on America's shoulders.
Kim Jong il has regained his health; has the assurances of a powerful neighbour of a protective border and aid, and embodies the lasting power of North Korea founded by his father Kim Il Sung.
Pundits also have given odds that the 'Dear Leader' was on his last legs, and his visits to People's China were more than in part to pave the way for his heir and successor, his third son Kim Jong eun. Has anyone looked at the latest photos of Kim Jong il? Compare them to the photograph of him sitting next to Bill Clinton in July 2009? At the time of the former US president's visit, Kim was a shadow of his former self: thin and emaciated looking. Today, in China, he looks more and more like his old self: corpulent and fleshed out. Surely, it is a sign of health regained, and an indication that as ever he is in firm control of the North Korean ship of state. [In consequence, Kim Jong eun will have more time to hone his education and gain experience in the craft of statemanship.]
The the failed diplomacy of George W. Bush to use China as a foil to tame a maverick North Korea, China, though obliging, has backed away from doing America's will. And surely more so today when Obama has hitched America's policy towards the North firmly to South Korea's Lee Myung bak war train. The identity of view on North Korea by these two countries aim at 'rolling back' Kim Jong il. In plain English, in pushing North Korea to the edge of collapse on one hand, and using China to engage in regime change. China demurred.
With Kim again in China, it is clear, if it wasn't before to Washington and Seoul China has stayed true to a policy Mao initiated when he sent volunteers to fight with North Koreans against US led UN troops as they raced to the Chinese borders. GuamDiary has long suggested to its readers that it look for ALLEN Whiting's Rand study 'China crosses the Yalu', for a good understanding of why China intervened in the Korean War. Beijing wanted a buffer against an aggressive South Korea and its US protector. Bush junior and Obama have revived old fears of a hostile unified Korea under the South on its borders. A sad commentary of the US North Korea clerisy grasp of history since they too are looking to destroy the North by any means necessary. And if they didn't get the message, the South's shelling of North Korea's territorial waters revived fears of reopening the frozen Korean war.
China is sending a clear message: hands off North Korea in part. On the other hand, China is striking out on an independent Asian policy of its own in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran which can only anger Obama & co. If blame be apportioned, much of it falls on America's shoulders.
Kim Jong il has regained his health; has the assurances of a powerful neighbour of a protective border and aid, and embodies the lasting power of North Korea founded by his father Kim Il Sung.
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